Simply because a lot is improved and possesses been quit so that you can be taken devoid of adversity.
Three days after the “massacre” in Racak, Madeleine Albright in the situation center of the White House, in the presence of NATO generals Wesley Clark and Klaus Naumann, suggested that Belgrade should now be threatened with air strikes. Their plan also envisaged for the first time to force Milošević to agree to the stationing of NATO troops in Kosovo to monitor the withdrawal of the Yugoslav military and the establishment of partial autonomy.
But even the facts ascertained by the inadequate KVM report in no way suggest the Racak incidents as an arbitrary attack on innocent civilians who were attacked for being ethnic Albanians. The Serbian side steadfastly claimed that the dead of Racak were UÇK fighters and that the forensic reports carried out together with Belarusian doctors confirmed this.
In the meantime, military planning had progressed so far that Scharping was able to sketch the four phases of the operation in his diary on January 30th. In the final phase, strategic and tactical targets were to be attacked across Yugoslavia: headquarters, production and storage facilities, as well as power plants, oil refineries and communication systems.
In addition, just a few months earlier, the US State Department had documented the KLA’s role in the terrorization and uprooting of ethnic Albanians:
During this phase, the 38-year-old Agim Çeku – who has meanwhile been promoted to lieutenant general and commander of the 5th military district (Rijeka) – resigned from his service in the Croatian army. This enabled the person responsible for the ethnic cleansing in the Krjina to take up the new post as chief of staff and supreme military commander of the UÇK. This change could not have taken place without US approval. Should the fate of Krajina repeat itself in Kosovo?
On March 18, the Kosovar Albanian delegation signed the draft treaty. The Serbs were ready to agree to Kosovo’s autonomy, but rejected the military part of the agreement, the stationing of NATO troops, and demanded a UN mandate for Kosovo.
If one evaluates the last reports of the OSCE mission in Kosovo from March 15-18, 1999, one can summarize:
The armed conflicts are limited in time and place; they are concentrated in the areas around Pristina and Mitrovica. The Yugoslav army is bringing in new troops and expanding defensive positions on the borders with Albania and Macedonia. The civilian population is leaving the contested areas, but when the danger is over they also return to the villages and begin reconstruction work. The October accords are massively violated by both sides.
The massive threat of NATO to take air strikes against Yugoslavia had cleared the field for the coming bombings for the OSCE.